From Resistance to Restraint: Omar Abdullah's Struggle on Martyrs’ Day, 2025

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What happens when a chief minister is arrested by the police that is supposed to be working under him? Right now it is not thanks to converting the state into a Union Territory. But surely this is going a bit too when no crime was committed? Let us take a look.

On July 13, 2025, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) Chief Minister Omar Abdullah was reportedly prevented from visiting the Naqshband Sahib Martyrs’ Graveyard in Srinagar to pay homage to the 22 civilians killed in 1931 during protests against the Dogra regime. Reports indicate that he was manhandled by security personnel and placed under house arrest, alongside other political leaders, to prevent commemorative activities on Martyrs’ Day. This incident, described as a “blatantly undemocratic move” by Abdullah and condemned by opposition parties, raises significant questions about the authority behind the orders, the constitutional propriety of such actions, historical precedents, and the broader implications for J&K’s political landscape and India’s federal structure.

Who Ordered and Executed the Actions?

The Srinagar district administration denied permission for any events at the Martyrs’ Graveyard on July 13, 2025. The Srinagar Police issued a public advisory on July 12, 2025, stating that “the District Administration Srinagar has denied permission to all applicants intending to proceed towards Khawaja Bazar, Nowhatta on 13th July 2025,” warning of strict legal action for violations. This indicates that the decision was made under the LG’s oversight. 

The LG’s authority stems from the 2019 Act, which reorganised J&K into a Union Territory. This Act grants the LG extensive control over matters such as police, public order, and administrative decisions, often superseding the elected government’s autonomy. The Left parties and other critics have accused the LG of acting on behalf of the Central government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), to enforce restrictive measures. The CPI(M) Polit Bureau alleged that the Central government was attempting to “enforce its own diktats” by undermining the elected state government.

Security personnel erected barricades across Srinagar, blocked major bridges, and sealed roads leading to the Martyrs’ Graveyard. Police personnel were stationed outside the residences of political leaders. In Abdullah’s case, a police officer allegedly attempted to physically prevent him from scaling the graveyard’s wall to offer prayers, resulting in what has been described as “manhandling.” This physical altercation, combined with the house arrests of multiple leaders, including NC’s Farooq Abdullah, PDP’s Mehbooba Mufti, and CPI(M)’s Yusuf Tarigami, was executed systematically to prevent any public commemoration of Martyrs’ Day.

Constitutional Propriety of Treating a Chief Minister in This Manner

The Indian Constitution establishes a federal structure where elected state governments, led by Chief Ministers, are vested with significant authority under the Seventh Schedule’s State List, particularly in matters like public order and police in full-fledged states. However, J&K’s status as a Union Territory under the 2019 Act complicates this framework. Section 73 of the Act grants the LG overriding powers, including control over law and order, which curtails the elected government’s autonomy. This creates a “hybrid system” where the Chief Minister’s authority is subordinate to the LG’s, a structure that critics argue undermines democratic principles.

The alleged assault and house arrest of a sitting Chief Minister raise serious constitutional concerns, particularly under Articles 19, 21, and 356 of the Constitution:

Article 19(1)(a) and (b) guarantees freedom of speech and expression and the right to assemble peaceably. Preventing the Chief Minister and other leaders from commemorating Martyrs’ Day, a historically significant event, violates these rights, especially since the commemoration was intended to be peaceful.

Article 21 grants the right to life and personal liberty. It was violated in the reported manhandling and house arrest without formal orders or judicial oversight. The Supreme Court, in cases like Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978), has emphasised that any restriction on personal liberty must follow due process and be reasonable, which appears absent in this case.

Article 356 facilitates President’s Rule, which was revoked in J&K in October 2024, allowing an elected government to assume power. But the LG’s actions suggest a de facto central control that mimics emergency provisions, raising questions about the erosion of federalism.

Treating a Chief Minister in this manner—through physical restraint and confinement—undermines the dignity of an elected office and the democratic mandate. The Constitution envisions the Chief Minister as the head of the state’s elected government, accountable to the people through the legislative assembly. Subjecting such an official to manhandling and house arrest, especially without transparent legal justification, appears to contravene the principles of democratic governance and federalism enshrined in the Constitution.

Precedents

There is no direct precedent in India for a sitting Chief Minister being physically manhandled and placed under house arrest by state or central forces on the orders of a non-elected authority like an LG. However, related instances provide context:

Arvind Kejriwal’s Arrest (2024): The arrest of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal by the Enforcement Directorate in March 2024 in connection with the Delhi liquor scam marked the first instance of a sitting Chief Minister being arrested. However, this was under judicially reviewable charges of money laundering, with the Supreme Court granting interim bail, citing violations of the right to liberty. Unlike Kejriwal’s case, the J&K incident lacks any reported criminal charges against Abdullah, making it a more direct assault on democratic norms.

Post-Article 370 Detentions (2019): Following the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, several J&K leaders, including former Chief Ministers Farooq Abdullah, Omar Abdullah, and Mehbooba Mufti, were detained or placed under house arrest under the Public Safety Act (PSA). These detentions were justified by the Central government on security grounds but lacked specific charges. The Supreme Court, in Farooq Abdullah v. Union of India (2020), did not directly intervene, highlighting judicial reluctance to challenge executive actions in J&K on security matters.

Historical House Arrests: House arrests of political leaders in J&K have been a recurring tactic, particularly since 2019, to suppress dissent or public gatherings. The 2024 detentions of lawyers and journalists under the PSA further illustrate a pattern of restricting political activity, though none involved a sitting Chief Minister being physically restrained.

The lack of a direct precedent for manhandling a Chief Minister underscores the gravity of the July 13, 2025, incident. It sets a dangerous precedent for central overreach into state governance, particularly in Union Territories, where elected governments have limited powers.

Political Consequences

Erosion of Democratic Trust: The incident has deepened mistrust between the people of J&K and the Central government. Leaders like Mehbooba Mufti have argued that accepting Kashmiri martyrs as national heroes could bridge the “dil ki doori” (distance of hearts), but actions like these reinforce perceptions of authoritarianism. 

Polarisation and Political Backlash: The BJP’s opposition to Martyrs’ Day, coupled with their promotion of Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary as a holiday, has intensified political divisions. The NC and PDP’s unified condemnation, alongside Left parties and figures like Mamata Banerjee, signals a broader opposition coalition against perceived central overreach. 

Weakening of Elected Governance: The LG’s ability to override the elected government undermines the legitimacy of the October 2024 assembly elections, which restored limited statehood. If the Chief Minister can be restrained without accountability, it signals that elected representatives have little real power, potentially discouraging political participation.

Constitutional Implications

Threat to Federalism: The incident highlights the fragility of federalism in Union Territories. The 2019 Act’s concentration of power in the LG’s hands creates a quasi-presidential system, where elected governments are subordinate. This contradicts the Supreme Court’s observations in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994), which emphasised federalism as part of the Constitution’s basic structure.

The incident may prompt legal challenges, as seen in the 2019 detentions. Petitions to the Supreme Court could test the constitutionality of the LG’s powers under the 2019 Act, particularly if they infringe on fundamental rights or elected governance.

Social and Cultural Implications

Martyrs’ Day commemorates a pivotal moment in J&K’s struggle against autocratic rule. Preventing its observance risks erasing a shared historical narrative. This could deepen cultural alienation.

The BJP’s emphasis on Maharaja Hari Singh’s legacy over the 1931 martyrs, who were predominantly Muslim, has been criticized as an attempt to impose a majoritarian historical narrative. This worsens communal tensions and undermines J&K’s pluralistic identity.

Analytical Opinion

The alleged assault and house arrest of Omar Abdullah represent a troubling escalation in the Central government’s approach to J&K. While the LG’s authority under the 2019 Act provides a legal basis for administrative control, the use of force against a sitting Chief Minister and the blanket restriction on political activity lack constitutional justification. The incident reflects a broader pattern of centralisation since the abrogation of Article 370, where security concerns are used to justify measures that undermine democratic norms.

From a constitutional perspective, the incident is indefensible. The Supreme Court’s rulings in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) and Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020) emphasise that restrictions on fundamental rights must be proportionate, transparent, and subject to judicial review. The lack of public orders or specific charges against Abdullah suggests an arbitrary exercise of power, contravening Articles 19 and 21. Moreover, the physical manhandling of an elected official sets a dangerous precedent, signalling that no democratic institution in J&K is immune to central intervention.

Politically, the incident risks further destabilising J&K. The elected government, already constrained by the LG’s powers, faces a crisis of legitimacy. Abdullah’s restraint in confronting the Centre prior to this incident earned him criticism for being too conciliatory, but this event may force a more confrontational stance, potentially galvanising opposition to the BJP’s policies. The BJP’s narrative, which frames the 1931 martyrs as divisive figures, ignores their role in resisting colonial-era oppression, alienating even moderate Kashmiri voices.

Without judicial or legislative intervention to restore J&K’s statehood and limit the LG’s powers, such incidents could become normalised, eroding India’s federal framework. The Supreme Court has an opportunity to clarify the balance of power in Union Territories, ensuring that elected governments are not reduced to ceremonial roles.

Conclusion

The alleged assault and house arrest of Omar Abdullah on July 13, 2025, ordered by the LG’s administration and executed by J&K Police and central forces, represent a low point in J&K’s democratic journey. Constitutionally, such actions lack legitimacy without transparent justification and due process. While precedents like the 2019 detentions exist, the targeting of a sitting Chief Minister is unprecedented and sets a dangerous example. The consequences—political alienation, weakened federalism, and cultural suppression—threaten J&K’s stability and India’s democratic fabric. Urgent judicial and political action is needed to restore trust and uphold constitutional principles.

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The Melian Dialogue and Modern Power Politics: A Recurring Tragedy & Farce

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Karl Marx once said, “History repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce.” This idea fits well when we look at how powerful nations act on the global stage. Another famous quote by Winston Churchill—“The farther backward you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see”—also reminds us that today’s politics often follow the same patterns from the past.

The Melian Dialogue, recorded by the Greek historian Thucydides, stands as one of the oldest examples of power politics. It happened in 416 BC during the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta. Thucydides wrote about how the Athenians, the stronger side, demanded the surrender of the small and neutral island of Melos. The Athenians made it clear that justice didn’t matter—only power did. As Thucydides wrote, “The strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must.” This idea still shapes international politics today.

Let us look at how the story of Melos relates to modern times, especially U.S. actions in the Middle East—like in Iraq and Iran.  And when they don’t intervene directly they have their pet hounds do the job for them as in the case of Israel’s 12 day war against Iran. Pakistan is also doing the dirty work on behalf of China and the West against India. Powerful nations often act in their own interests, harming the weaker ones.

What Happened at Melos?

In 416 BC, during the long war between Athens and Sparta, the Athenian army arrived at Melos, a small island in the Aegean Sea. Melos had stayed neutral, even though it had cultural ties with Sparta. The Athenians demanded that Melos surrender, pay tribute, and join their empire. The Melians refused.

During the talks, the Athenians were blunt. They told the Melians that justice and fairness didn’t matter in war. All that mattered was strength. The Melians countered, claiming justice, divine favour, and hope were on their side. They also expected assistance from other states. However, the Athenians ignored their pleas. When Melos continued to resist, Athens attacked. Melian men faced death, while the women and children were forced into slavery.

The Melian Dialogue became a key example of what scholars now call “realism” in international relations. Realism says that nations act to protect their own power and security, not based on moral values or laws. According to this view, strong countries do whatever they can, while weaker ones have little say.

How This Relates to U.S. Foreign Policy

Now let’s jump forward over 2,000 years. The United States is today’s global superpower. Like Athens in ancient Greece, it has often acted based on what it believes is necessary for its security or interests. Two clear examples of this are the U.S. interventions in Iraq and Iran.

The 2003 Iraq War

In 2003, the U.S. invaded Iraq, claiming that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and links to terrorism. Later, evidence revealed these claims to be false.

In a manner similar to Athens, the U.S. operated without the full support of the global community. The United Nations did not approve the war, and many countries opposed it. The U.S. forged ahead, claiming to act for global security and the region’s democratic future.

Iraq, like Melos, was far weaker. The war led to the fall of Saddam Hussein but also caused massive destruction. The war killed thousands of civilians, ruined the country’s infrastructure, and the resulting power vacuum led to years of sectarian violence and the rise of terrorist groups like ISIS.

Just like the Melian Dialogue showed, the U.S. used its power to impose its will. Iraq had little choice and ended up suffering greatly.

U.S. Policy Toward Iran

Another example is how the U.S. has treated Iran, especially during Donald Trump’s presidency. In 2018, the Trump administration withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Iran and six major powers, including the U.S., signed this deal in 2015 to limit Iran’s nuclear program in return for lifting economic sanctions. At the time of withdrawal, international monitors had confirmed that Iran was following the agreement.

The U.S. reimposed tough sanctions, which crippled Iran’s economy. In 2020, a U.S. drone strike killed General Qassem Soleimani, one of Iran’s top military leaders, in Iraq. The U.S. claimed it was a defensive move. Iran saw it as an act of war.

Like Melos, Iran appealed to international rules and fairness, but the stronger power, the U.S., acted based on its own interests. Iran had little power to respond in kind. The sanctions limited Iran’s options, and its people suffered.

The Same Old Story, Again and Again

This pattern of behaviour shows how Marx’s idea of history repeating itself plays out. First, it’s a tragedy—like the destruction of Melos or the suffering in Iraq. Then, it descends into absurdity—a repetitive process in which powerful nations persist in the same behaviour, under the illusion that their military or economic power guarantees control.

High-sounding terms—like spreading democracy, protecting human rights, or ensuring peace—often frame these actions. But in reality, they often lead to more chaos, more deaths, and long-term instability. Powerless individuals frequently experience suffering, a situation that reflects the Melian plight.

Churchill’s warning about looking backward to understand the future is important here. Athens, once powerful and proud, eventually overreached and lost the Peloponnesian War. It declined soon after. The U.S., by repeating similar patterns of dominance and disregard for global opinion, risks making the same mistake.

Realism and Today’s World

The Melian Dialogue offers insights beyond past conflicts. They still help us understand global politics today. One area where this is clear is the growing competition between the U.S. and China.

China’s actions in the South China Sea, such as building artificial islands, are increasing tensions with neighbouring countries. These smaller countries are like modern-day Melians. They can protest and appeal to international law, but in the end, they must either align with the powerful or risk suffering alone.

But, as usual, history throws up exceptions too. Putin’s Russia wants to resurrect the Czarist glory. However, it has faltered in its very first attempt. Ukraine is putting up a strong resistance and refuses to be another Melos. But for how long? This remains to be seen.

The U.S. uses its military bases, alliances, and economic sanctions to maintain influence around the world. These actions are often based on power, not moral principles. Again, the message seems to be: “We’re strong, so we’ll do what we want.”

Cyber Wars and Economic Pressure

The Melian Dialogue also applies to areas like cyber warfare and economic dominance. In the digital age, powerful countries—and even tech companies—can launch cyberattacks, spy on rivals, or use digital tools to influence elections or suppress dissent.

Smaller countries and poorer populations cannot compete in the same way. They have to rely on building alliances or appealing to global rules and institutions, much like the Melians appealed to justice and the hope of divine help.

Economic sanctions, too, are often a tool used by strong countries to punish weaker ones. These sanctions are sometimes justified on moral grounds, but they often hurt ordinary people more than the leaders they target. Again, it is the weak who suffer.

Can We Break the Cycle?

The Melian Dialogue paints a dark picture. But does it have to be this way?

In today’s world, we do have international institutions like the United Nations, the International Criminal Court, and various global agreements that aim to create fair rules for all. These are meant to prevent the kind of power-based bullying that Athens practiced.

However, these institutions often struggle. The five permanent members—China, France, Russia, the UK, and the U.S.—frequently deadlock the UN Security Council because they can veto any decision. So when big powers act in their own interest, there’s often no proper punishment or pushback.

Despite this, there’s still hope. Diplomacy, dialogue, and cooperation do sometimes work. Peace talks, trade agreements, and cultural exchanges can help build trust and prevent conflict. But for these to succeed, powerful countries must also be willing to restrain themselves and think beyond short-term interests.

Conclusion: Learning from Melos

The Melian Dialogue may be over two thousand years old, but its message is still very current. Thucydides showed how power silences justice and how the weak often pay the price when they resist the powerful.

The U.S. actions in Iraq and Iran show how these lessons are repeated. Just like Athens, the U.S. has often acted based on strength, not law or morality. And just like Melos, weaker nations have suffered.

Marx was right—these events first unfold as tragic mistakes, and then they are repeated as farce, with little change. Churchill was also right—we must study the past if we want to understand the future.

By reflecting on Melos and what happened afterward, we can ask better questions about today’s politics: How can we avoid repeating these cycles? Can justice ever have a place in global affairs? Will powerful individuals ultimately choose to act differently, driven by moral obligation rather than mere capability?

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Zohran Mamdani and Jawaharlal Nehru: A Comparison of Vision, Ideology, and Impact

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Comparing Zohran Mamdani, a rising political figure in New York, with Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, may seem bold and premature at first. But the comparison is not without merit. Both are secular, socialist in outlook, and able to attract diverse support. However, any meaningful comparison must consider their vastly different historical and political contexts. Let us compare and contrast the analogy, showing where it works and where it doesn’t.

Similarities

Secularism and Inclusive Politics

Nehru was a strong believer in secularism. After India’s independence in 1947, he worked hard to keep religion separate from the state. This was crucial for a country divided along religious lines after Partition. Nehru aimed to unify people of different faiths under the banner of a modern, progressive India.

Mamdani, a member of the New York State Assembly and Democratic Socialist, also supports secularism. Despite being Muslim and openly pro-Palestine—a position that has led to Islamophobic attacks—he has gained support from various communities, including Jewish voters. His campaign for the 2025 New York mayoral race focused not on identity, but on economic issues like housing, childcare, and transport. His approach shows a commitment to inclusive, secular politics.

Socialist Orientation

Fabian socialism influenced Nehru. He promoted a mixed economy, where the state would lead industrialisation and offer public services, while also allowing private enterprise. His policies included land reforms, public sector expansion, and five-year development plans to reduce poverty.

Mamdani identifies as a democratic socialist. Inspired by leaders like Bernie Sanders and Martin Luther King Jr., he wants to implement policies like rent freezes, fare-free public transport, city-run grocery stores, and universal childcare. These ideas ease economic burdens for working people, similar to Nehru’s emphasis on reducing inequality—though Mamdani works within a capitalist system rather than building a post-colonial nation.

Diverse and Broad-Based Support

Nehru led a vast coalition under the Indian National Congress. He had support from both urban elites and rural masses, from Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and others. His vision of a unified, modern India helped him win wide trust.

Mamdani, in the 2025 Democratic primary for New York mayor, built a coalition of young voters, working-class people, and immigrant communities. He won big in neighbourhoods like Bushwick (79%) and Ridgewood (80%) and even secured votes in areas like the Financial District. He connected with people by using South Asian pop culture, similar to Nehru’s emotional appeal during India’s independence.

Charismatic Communication

Nehru was known for his powerful speeches. He connected deeply with the people and helped shape public imagination around progress and unity. His Tryst with Destiny speech remains iconic.

Mamdani uses modern tools—especially social media and video production—to speak directly to voters. His clear messaging and cultural references help break down complex issues and build a loyal base. His communication style, like Nehru’s, is rooted in making politics understandable and personal.

Differences

Context and Time Period

Nehru led a newly independent country. He had to deal with the trauma of Partition, poverty, illiteracy, and the task of building institutions from scratch. His socialism was shaped by anti-colonial struggle and global Cold War pressures.

Mamdani works in a very different setting: a mature, capitalist democracy in the 21st century. His socialism is reformist and operates within the Democratic Party system. He isn’t building a nation, but proposing changes within a complex city bureaucracy. His focus is more about affordability than national transformation.

Scale of Power and Influence

Nehru, as Prime Minister, had national and international influence. He helped design India’s economic policies, led the Non-Aligned Movement, and shaped India’s democratic institutions.

Mamdani, while rising fast, is still operating at a local level. He currently holds a state-level position and is running for mayor. Though his win over Andrew Cuomo in the primary was a big political moment, his executive powers are still to be seen. His future impact depends on whether he wins and successfully governs New York City.

Background and Personal History

Nehru came from an elite Indian family. Educated at Harrow and Cambridge, both Indian nationalism and Western liberalism influenced him. He was a Kashmiri Pandit and part of India’s upper class, though he chose to work for the poor.

Mamdani has a very different story. Born in Uganda to a Muslim father (Mahmood Mamdani) and Hindu mother (Mira Nair), he moved to New York at age seven. He embodies a mix of South Asian, African, and American influences. Unlike Nehru’s elite upbringing, Mamdani’s identity is shaped by immigration and multiculturalism. His strong pro-Palestinian views also reflect a bolder stance than Nehru’s more cautious foreign policy.

Ability to Enact Policies

Nehru, with strong executive powers, was able to implement national-level policies. He launched major programs, like the Five-Year Plans and large-scale infrastructure projects. While his state-led model faced criticism for inefficiency, it laid the foundation for India’s growth.

Mamdani, so far, has mostly advocated policies rather than implementing them on a large scale. For example, his proposal for fare-free buses in New York underwent partial testing but requires broader state support. Critics argue that some of his ideas—like city-owned grocery stores—might not be practical in a profit-driven city.

Political Climate and Opposition

Religious groups and conservatives opposed Nehru, but overall, post-independence India remained relatively united under Congress. His secularism was mainstream in early Indian politics.

Mamdani operates in a polarised American environment. He faces strong resistance from the right wing, especially over his socialist label and Muslim identity. Some Republicans have called him a “terrorist sympathiser,” especially because of his stance on Gaza. Unlike Nehru, Mamdani is up against sharp partisan attacks and a divided public discourse.

Critical Reflection

A comparison of Mamdani and Nehru is interesting, but one must consider their very different worlds.

Nehru was building a country. His socialism aimed to lift a nation out of colonial poverty. His secularism sought to hold a fragile, diverse society together. He had the backing of a large party, a popular mandate, and the power to shape laws and institutions.

Mamdani, though promising, is still testing the waters of governance. His vision is bold—reshaping New York’s economy to serve ordinary people—but his tools are limited. He must work within existing city structures, win over skeptical voters, and manage practical concerns like funding and legal constraints.

Both leaders share optimism, clarity of vision, and moral courage. Both aim to unite people across religious and economic divides. But while Nehru is a historical figure whose legacy is set, Mamdani’s story is still unfolding.

Their common focus on equity, economic justice, and secularism forms the core of the comparison. However, Nehru dealt with a colonial legacy and a national canvas. Mamdani is working in a global city with different pressures—gentrification, racial inequality, and political polarisation.

Conclusion

Zohran Mamdani and Jawaharlal Nehru share some key qualities: a secular, socialist approach to politics; the ability to build diverse support; and a commitment to justice and equality. Both are also skilled communicators who connect deeply with their audiences.

But the comparison has limits.

Nehru was a statesman building a country. Mamdani is a local leader with potential for broader influence. Their visions may align, but their tools and terrains are very different. Mamdani’s ideas echo Nehru’s ideals, but they play out in a smaller, more fragmented space.

If Mamdani wins the 2025 New York mayoral race and delivers on his promises, he may indeed grow into a national and perhaps even international leader. Until then, he remains a figure of promise—one whose political philosophy recalls Nehru’s, but whose journey has only just begun.

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