Thursday, June 20, 2013

The Confusing Economic Dogma: Hazards of retro economic policies




By
Randeep Wadehra

In popular perception, ideology is a system of political concepts and beliefs. Therefore, we expect political parties to have distinct ideologies so that we may know what each political party stands for. Unfortunately, in India, barring the communists, political parties have been rather ambiguous about their ideological moorings. Therefore, we have seen the Indian National Congress swinging between socialism and capitalism and the Bharatiya Janata Party getting nationalist when out of power and pragmatic when in sight of it. As for others like TMC, SP, BSP etc, their ideologies remain a mystery although the SP does swear by Lohia. No wonder, Karl Marx – considered the progenitor of modern concept of ideology – had denounced ideologies as “false systems of political, social, and moral concepts invented by ruling classes out of self-interest.” Nevertheless, the concept gained global currency.

After Independence, India chose a hybrid politico-economic system, called mixed economy, wherein public sector controlled its “commanding heights” with private sector playing a secondary role. It was supposed to be an ideal amalgam of capitalism and communism. The communist economy had its basis in socialism – a political ideology developed and enunciated by Karl Marx as a reaction to rampant exploitation that existed in the capitalist system prevalent in the post-Industrial Revolution Europe. Ironically, even as capitalism gradually became more egalitarian, communism turned tyrannical and exploitative, against which the proletariat – its supposed beneficiaries – eventually rebelled. The 20th century’s final years witnessed the discrediting of socialism and dismantling of communist economies’ structures. 

In India, the mixed economy dogma proved to be confusing and ineffective. The public sector, along with populist economic policies, became the biggest drain on the economy – plummeting India into the state of near-bankruptcy in 1991, thanks to the tactile disconnect between policymaking and ground realities. Most Indians were living in abject poverty; unemployment was rampant and there were no avenues for absorbing even the highly skilled educated youth; the Public Sector Units were in no position to employ these highly skilled professionals. Indigenous research and development was not even an option for facilitating future industrial growth; the private sector became stunted, thanks to policies that actively discouraged corporate growth. Despite having a head start over the Asia Pacific countries as early as the 1950s, our entrepreneurs could not achieve their full potential. Nowhere else had a state so actively shackled its own economic growth as India. Right from staffing to sourcing of raw materials to production targets, and much else, everything was at the mercy of the mai-baaps bossing over the system. The so-called ‘License-Permit Raj’ became its most glaring leitmotif. 

Narasimha Rao shed all socialist shibboleths and pretensions, and called in Manmohan Singh to recue India. Dr. Singh did a wonderful job as Finance Minister. No wonder, he became the UPA Mark-1’s first choice for the Prime Minister’s post. He ushered in market economy and reworked various policies in order to free the private sector from all those shackles that had turned it into a nursery for bonsai companies. In fact, this was a continuation of the economic agenda set by Narasimha Rao-Singh duo, and further developed by AB Vajpayee’s NDA regime, which had liberalized the economy and pushed back the spheres of influence of various ministries and bureaucracies. Suddenly, the reviled land of “Hindu Growth Rate” transformed into a muscular economic powerhouse raring to challenge the Asian Tigers, in terms of not only growth rates but also quality of life. There were visible signs of prosperity percolating down to the grassroots. A country, where telephone used to be a symbol of luxury and power, suddenly witnessed even rickshaw pullers flaunting cell phones. The middle-classes had acquired the ability to purchase cars, hi-definition televisions, computers etc. Thanks to the burgeoning private sector, young collegians were infected with optimism vis-à-vis their career prospects. No longer was a degree in engineering or medicine the sole passport to five figure monthly pay packets. Things looked upbeat, but…

The global economic slowdown caused panic in the Indian corridors of power. As always, lack of vision became the bane of India’s planning and policymaking. Socialism was taken out of the deep freeze, given a bit of makeover and presented as a magic wand that would shoo away the specter of poverty, which had begun to loom large on the politicians’ mindscapes, forgetting that it was already resoundingly discredited everywhere else. Actually, no government anywhere was ever serious about implementing socialist principles in their true sense – not even in China and the Soviet Union were these implemented with honesty. The masses remained exploited. In fact, their condition became worse than capitalist countries where, at least, one could get redress against exploitation – something that was impossible in the so-called socialist countries. No wonder, the Soviet Union collapsed while China became promptly pragmatic enough to allow economic liberalization, while the CCP kept its stranglehold over the state apparatus intact. 

In India’s case, the political failure to respond to changing realities became manifest during the UPA Mark-2 regime, when economic policy suddenly veered towards populism. Most of the state’s resources were deployed in creating employment that contributed almost nothing to the economy’s capital formation. Crores were poured down the drain in the Congress Party’s efforts to build and retain vote banks in rural areas where various regional outfits like SP, RJD, BSP etc had eaten into its turf. However, the alternative is no better. The Sangh Parivar may well resuscitate its pet pseudo-patriotic and xenophobic economic shibboleths that may eventually derail Modi’s “Gujarat Model” of development. 

However, just imagine the scenario if the UPA-2 had stuck to its earlier policy of economic liberalization and restructuring of various institutions. Economic growth and employment generation would have retained its tempo despite the slowdowns in various western economies. We must remember that India’s economic prosperity was not driven by exports but by the increasing domestic consumption. All one had to do was continue with the policies that encouraged private enterprise, and employment generation would have been taken care of. The resources that should have gone into building of various infrastructures were spent on economically imprudent projects. One might argue that the rural poor cannot be ignored and need to be taken care of. This could have been ensured in a more practical manner by providing skill development oriented education, which would have turned the rural youth into productive assets for the nation. Why reduce them to mere supplicants? The question, which needs to be asked, is – do we need parasites or providers? The answer is self-evident.

Published in The FinancialWorld dated 20 June 2013

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