December 16 has become a significant date in the annals of Pakistan,
especially its military establishment. On this day in 1971 the Pakistan Army’s
General AAK Niazi, along with his more than 90,000 troops, surrendered to the
Indian Army’s General Jagjit Singh Aurora on the Ramna Grounds (now Suhrawardy
Udyan), thus putting the stamp on the victory of the combined forces of
Bangladesh’s Mukti Bahini and the Indian Armed Forces. This tragedy would not
have taken place had Pakistan’s military establishment allowed the due
processes of democracy in that country. But, its sheer arrogance and
supremacism – so typical of dictators and oligarchical ruling elites the world
over – inexorably led to bloodbath that eventually sundered the country,
imploding its Islamic ballast that was cemented by the two-nation theory.
Whatever the other reasons for the birth of Bangladesh, one factor stood out –
myopic resort to military solution to what was essentially a political poser to
the delicate, nascent democratic polity. Pakistan’s military establishment has
a deep-seated contempt for democratic norms, which kept on manifesting
unrelentingly even after the 1971 mortification.
Obviously, the lessons were not learnt. In fact, Zia-ul-Haq went quite a
few steps further when he initiated the process of radicalization of not just
the Pakistan Military Establishment but the entire civil society too. Today, we
are told that this happened because the United States of America needed
Pakistan as an ally and as a frontline state in its war against the Soviet
intervention in Afghanistan. But this is only partly true, at best. The
intention to radicalize was always there, and Saudi Arabia was pumping in huge
funds to finance fundamentalism in Pakistan. In fact, the Indian subcontinent
had become a battleground of sorts between the Iranian and Saudi governments.
The two countries, locked in Shia versus Sunni rivalry in West Asia, were now
reaching out to the two Muslim denominations in India and Pakistan. While in
India the radicalization efforts could not succeed to any significant extent,
it found a fertile ground in Pakistan, and to some extent in Bangladesh. Various
madrasas and seminaries in Pakistan graduated from the stages of fundamentalism
and fanaticism to militarization of its youth. The Taliban (literally seekers
or students), thus, were readily available as gun fodder in the war against the
Soviet forces in Afghanistan.
The supply of sophisticated weaponry from the NATO countries, especially
the USA, came in handy for Pakistan’s military establishment to prepare
mercenaries for carrying out terror acts in Jammu & Kashmir and other
places in India. The most glaring were the attack on India’s Parliament and
then the carnage in Mumbai. Even though regimes changed in Pakistan, its policy
of encouraging depredations in India through non-state actors continued
unabated. Eventually, Hillary Clinton’s snake analogy began to prove ominously
apposite when a significant section of such non-state actors began to attack
Pakistan’s military and civilian assets, eventually resulting in the killing of
innocent children on December 16 2014. These children were students of the Army
Public School in Peshawar and their only fault was that majority of them were
born to Pakistan Army officers. Thus, the dangerous dalliance with fanatics
boomeranged in the most tragic manner.
Will the powers that be in Pakistan derive the right lessons from this
tragedy, or will they conveniently take recourse to blaming India (as is being
done by some in Pakistan) and return to business as usual?
More importantly, there are lessons for Indian political establishment
too. Of late, we are noticing that the BJP top brass is turning a blind eye to
the Indian version of non-state actors. No, these do not have the resources to
carry out terror acts in other countries, but they satisfy their macabre
cravings by terrorizing fellow Indians. When they claim that India’s Muslims
and Christians are children of Hindus, then where is the need for strong arm
tactics to reconvert them or to hate them? They are our own. The aim should be
to assimilate them into the mainstream. But, sadly, the zealots’ tactics are
only alienating the minorities, which could prove extremely harmful to the
country in the long run. Worse, they are now embarrassing the vast majority of
Hindus too. On the one hand PM Modi swears by Mahatma Gandhi, while on the
other some Hindu organizations are trying to iconize Nathuram Godse, without
even a whimper of protest from the Government of India or Maharashtra.
Instead of allowing legal and democratic processes to ensure protection
of all citizens in the country there are attempts to set up parallel and
extra-constitutional centers to rectify “historical wrongs.” There is certainly
truth in what was done in the past, but that is history. Sooner or later, this
will result in retaliatory action from the minority groups. Let us not forget
the lessons from Lebanon. Do we want chaos in the country or do we want peace
and progress? There is no way one can fight the forces of darkness by spreading
our version of darkness. It will only deepen the murk. The best way is to light
a lamp of enlightenment. We may have to resort to armed conflict but let it be
done by the Indian State, which is the best judge in such matters. Let us not
complicate things by allowing uneducated zealots to have a free run of the
country.
Our epics – Ramayan and Mahabharat – repeatedly drive home the message
that no war should ever be fought out of blind hatred. Even your worst enemy
deserves due respect. Resort to violence should be the culmination of deep
thought and analyses – which should be best left to those who have been
entrusted with running the affairs of our country. Extra constitutional
elements should be firmly reined in.
Hinduism stands for positive, constructive worldview and action. We have
hoary and rich traditions in the field of education and constructive
activities. We need to draw from such traditions. The Hindutva forces will do
well to concentrate their energies towards contributing to constructive and
developmental efforts. Let them build schools and colleges that would provide world-class
education to all and thus improve the lot of the average Indian. Let them run well-equipped
hospitals that would contribute towards raising the population’s health
quotient. Let the Hindu forces build institutions that would look after the growing
elderly population of the country. Let them come up with schemes to enable the
disabled, to provide security to the vulnerable and make us all feel proud of
them. Instead of harking back to our past glories – real or imaginary – let us
prove that Hindus can build modern institutions of science and technology; that
they can provide top class medical facilities to every citizen in the country;
that they envisage and implement liberal
social concepts; and that they can excel in diverse fields of human endeavor. We
want to be proud of our Hindu heritage.
Will the various Hindutva organizations oblige us?
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