So, Imran Khan has lost
the proxy battle against Pakistan Army, which is the country’s Establishment.
Given the history of Pakistan’s democracy, especially the fate of prime ministers
before him, Imran Khan’s self-confidence proved to be nothing more than hubris
based on a false sense of popularity.
On 08 April 2022, he declared
his intention to continue to fight till the last ball was bowled. The Muttahida
Quami Movement (Pakistan) had already broken away from his team; the umpires
had pulled out the stumps and he was left holding the bat – forlorn and
forsaken – on the pitch, aware that the selectors had decided on a new team, with
a new captain.
Imran has been pulling
out everything from his tiny bag of tricks in a desperate attempt to delay, if
not escape, the inevitable. He managed to contrive the National Assembly’s dissolution
thanks to a cooperating Deputy Speaker, Qasim Suri, of the National Assembly. Before that,
on 27 March, he addressed a huge rally of his supporters in Islamabad. Later, on
7 April, he presented himself as a victim of an American conspiracy to oust
him. He declared his desire to restore the self-esteem of his compatriots –
something that was unpalatable to his enemies within Pakistan and abroad, or so
he believed. When the Supreme Court quashed the National Assembly’s dissolution
Imran once again raised the conspiracy theory and painted himself a martyr in
the service of Pakistan.
Finally, on the D-Day,
Imran made a last-ditch effort to draw, if not win the match. His party
boycotted the National Assembly. The Speaker, Asad Qaisar, resigned. A new Speaker had to
step in and resume the proceedings. None of this could avert the eventual
result.
The question remains,
“What made Imran turn against the Army?” Some say, he became over-ambitious,
others thought he overestimated the success of his Naya Pakistan campaign. What
he failed to factor in was the fate of his predecessors. None of them could
complete their tenures in the office.
The very first prime minister was assassinated. Liaqat Ali Khan became
the prime minister in August 1947. After four years and two months, he was
killed on October 16, 1951.
Khawaja Nazimuddin succeeded him on Oct. 17, 1951. He was dismissed on
April 17, 1953.
Muhammad Ali Bogra replaced him on April 17, 1953, but was forced to resign
on 11 August 1955.
Next was Chaudhry Mohammad Ali, but he could stay in office only for 13
months.
On 12 September 1956, Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy took office but was
forced to resign on 18 October 1957 – a tenure of only 13 months.
The next prime minister, Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar stayed in office for
less than two months from 18 October to 16 December 1857.
Malik Feroz Khan Noon lasted 10 months from 16 December 1957 to 7
October 1958.
Noorul Amin lasted a mere 13 days from 7 December to 20 December 1971!
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto took office on 14 August 1973 and was overthrown by
General Zia-ul-Haq on 5 July 1977. Later on, Bhutto was hanged.
Muhammad Khan Junejo lasted in office for three years and two months
from March 1985 to 29 May 1988.
Benazir Bhutto came to power on 2 December 1988 but was dismissed on 6
August 1990.
Nawaz Sharif took over on 6 November 1990 but was sacked on 18 April
1993.
Benazir Bhutto returned to power on 19 October 1993 but was again removed
on 5 November 1996.
Nawaz Sharif ascended the prime minister’s chair once again on 17 February
1997 but General Musharraf overthrew his government on 12 October 1999.
Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali was elected prime minister in November 2002
but lasted only till 26 June 2004.
Yousaf Raza Gilani became the prime minister on 25 March 2008 but the
Supreme Court convicted him on contempt of court charges. He lasted four years
and one month.
Nawaz Sharif became prime minister for the third time on 5 June 2013. He
was ousted on corruption charges on 28 July 2017.
The Pakistan Army helped Imran Khan to become prime minister on 18 August
2018. He is now out in the cold as of 10 April 2022.
What are Imran’s options? The road back to power is both long and
uncertain. He had tried to carve out a constituency comprising the youth and
middle classes with his Naya Pakistan vision that promised a corruption-free
Islamic State, where egalitarianism would prevail. Minorities wouldn’t be
discriminated against. Health and education facilities would be standardised
and provided to all without discrimination. As an additional ballast to this
castle of sand, Imran tried to woo the conservative classes by offering the
heady brew of nationalist-religious jingoism.
However, there is a problem with this formula. The people of Pakistan
have had more than their fill of bigotry and jingoism. They have seen how
Bhutto’s egalitarianism was a mere eyewash.
Only time will tell whether Imran will persist with his Naya Pakistan pipedream or come up with an agenda that would be
more in tune with the aspirations of the 21st Century Pakistani
youth. If he thinks he can win the next elections on the strength of his
charisma and jingoistic shibboleths – he is sadly mistaken. The hyperinflation,
rampant corruption, and ubiquitous mismanagement of various institutions under
his watch have put off the general public. They want jobs, food, fuel and other
necessities which are fast getting out of their reach.
There is plenty of time for Imran to introspect and reformulate his
vision for Pakistan. His successor is not going to last long. The army finds
out a way to get rid of incumbents before they grow real roots in Pakistan’s
political soil.
Last but not least. Imran should realise at least now that politics
is not cricket. It is not even chess or Chinese checkers. It is a deadly game
of subterfuges, intrigues and backstabbing.
Get real Mr Khan. Throw away your cricketing gear. Step into the
arena in a political gladiator’s get-up. That’s the only way to victory in politics.
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