Now that Washington has ratcheted up its ant-India rhetoric backed by imposing 50% tariff - with threats of more to come, we need to understand the consequences of this sudden pivot away from India and how it affects BJP’s Vishvaguru delusions.
The U.S.-India relationship has been a cornerstone of India’s foreign policy under the BJP government. This has been driven by shared concerns about China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific, economic opportunities, and defence cooperation. It also gained international recognition for its unprecedented achievements in space technology and economic growth. Basking in India’s rising global profile the BJP never loses an opportunity to project itself as a global moral and strategic leader - mostly to the home audience.
But, it needs to be reminded that the actual credit goes to Dr. Manmohan Singh, who never claimed to be a Vishvaguru.
During Dr. Manmohan Singh’s two tenures as Prime Minister, India saw consistent 8–9% GDP growth between 2004–2008, making it one of the fastest-growing economies globally. This was facilitated by sustained economic reforms, including FDI liberalisation in sectors like retail, telecom, and aviation - all conceptualised and designed during Dr. Singh’s two tenures. India became the global IT outsourcing hub; Infosys, TCS, and Wipro emerged as global players. The UIDAI project launched the digital infrastructure for welfare and governance.
In diplomatic breakthroughs, India–U.S. Nuclear Deal (2005–2008) end ed India’s nuclear apartheid and brought it into the global non-proliferation mainstream without signing the Non Proliferation Treaty aka NPT. The Manmohan Singh government successfully balanced ties with the U.S., Russia, China, and West Asia, and promoted multipolar diplomacy. India’s association with BRICS and G20 elevated its profile in emerging global power platforms. Its ‘Look East Policy’ strengthened ties with ASEAN, laying ground for Act East.
When it comes to boosting science and technology, let us not forget the launching of India’s first moon mission, Chandrayaan-1, in 2008. Under Dr. Singh’s watch, India developed low-cost satellite launch capabilities, boosting global recognition. Even the Mangalyaan project was designed during his tenure. During his prime ministership India used technology to improve transparency and service delivery through RTI and e-Governance. Again, Innovation Funding was devised by forming the National Innovation Council. This helped boost R&D in pharmaceuticals and biotech sectors.
Dr. Singh’s government also strengthened the social sector by legislating the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, or MGNREGA. The National Rural Health Mission strengthened rural healthcare delivery. The Right to Education and Food Security Act institutionalised welfare commitments.
So, the BJP’s Vishvaguru claims are based on Dr. Manmohan Singh’s solid groundwork done in the fields of diplomacy, economy, and digital infrastructure etc. The BJP government inherited global goodwill and stable macroeconomic indicators, enabling it to rebrand India aggressively as a global spiritual, economic, and technological leader.
The BJP’s Vishvaguru Narrative
The BJP Government has been positioning India as a global leader, drawing on its cultural heritage, economic potential, and strategic location. It has frequently articulated India’s contribution to the world not just in material terms but in knowledge, values, and culture. Without acknowledging Dr. Singh’s legacy, the BJP leaders project India’s global influence by citing India’s active participation in the Quad, its Act East policy, and leadership in forums like the G20, where India hosted the 2023 summit.
Two factors underscore India’s strategic importance. First, the 2015 U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region. It aimed to safeguard maritime security and freedom of navigation, particularly in the South China Sea. Second, agreements like the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) of 2018, which shows India’s growing defence ties with the U.S..
The Quad, comprising the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia, has been a key platform for cooperation, with initiatives like the Quad Investors Network and STEM Fellowships launched in 2023. India’s strategic location and military capabilities make it a critical counterweight to China.
However, there are tensions over India’s multi-alignment strategy. It complicates its role as an indispensable ally. India’s reliance on Russian arms limits interoperability with Quad partners, as Russian systems are not compatible with U.S. or allied forces. India’s cautious approach to China is driven by its border disputes and economic ties. This contrasts with the U.S.A.’s more confrontational stance. India’s participation in the 2016 Malabar naval exercises with the U.S. and Japan signalled alignment, but India’s refusal to openly criticise China tempered its impact.
Has the U.S. “Pivoted Away” from India?
Of late, the American President has been actively wooing Pakistan by inviting Field Marshal Asim Munir to lunch at the White House. Then there are reports of exploring and exploiting Pakistan’s reserves of crude oil and rare minerals. Earlier, in 2024, the U.S. indicted Gautam Adani for allegedly paying over $250 million in bribes to secure energy contracts in India. The BJP responded with accusing the U.S. State Department and “deep state” elements of using the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project to destabilise India. BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra went further and alleged that the Reporting Project was financed by the U.S. State Department. These accusations challenge the narrative of a trusted partnership.
Washington has often voiced concerns about India’s democratic practices under the BJP. The U.S.-based organisations and media have highlighted issues like discriminatory legislation against Muslims, restrictions on press freedom, and extrajudicial actions. BJP leadership’s frequent remarks implying that Muslims are “infiltrators” has drawn international criticism. These critiques clash with the Vishvaguru narrative, which emphasises India’s moral leadership.
The U.S. is unhappy about India’s multi-alignment strategy, which includes maintaining ties with Russia and participating in China-led initiatives like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. The U.S. government expects India to strike a more explicit anti-China stance, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. India’s hesitation to openly censure China in the South China Sea reflects a cautious approach to avoid antagonising Beijing.
India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its abstention from U.N. votes against Russia have created friction with the U.S.. While the U.S. has pushed for a unified stance against Russia, India’s reliance on Russian arms and missile defence system, prevents India from toeing the West’s line. This has led some U.S. analysts to question India’s reliability as an ally.
These developments suggest a cooling of U.S.-India relations, but do they constitute a “sudden pivot away”? The Biden administration’s 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy explicitly prioritises India’s role, stating, “We are supporting India’s continued rise and regional leadership”. Similarly, U.S. participation in Aero India 2025 highlighted deepening defence ties, with General Kevin Schneider noting, “The importance of our partnership continues to grow”. These actions indicate continuity rather than a dramatic shift. But can we dismiss the present administration’s actions as tantrums or aberration?
Have These Developments Disabused the BJP of its Delusions?
The U.S. criticisms and legal actions have exposed vulnerabilities in India’s global image, particularly regarding democratic governance. The BJP’s accusations of a U.S. “deep state” agenda suggest that the party perceives these actions as an attack on its leadership and India’s sovereignty. It also undermines the Vishvaguru ideal, which relies on international respect for India’s moral and strategic authority.
Undeterred by such setbacks, the BJP has leveraged these tensions to reinforce its nationalist credentials domestically. By framing U.S. actions as attempts to undermine India’s rise, the BJP portrays itself as a defender of national sovereignty. Its response to the Adani indictment emphasised external conspiracies. This narrative allows the BJP to maintain its Vishvaguru rhetoric by casting India as a victim of Western overreach. Thus, it tries to preserve its domestic appeal.
The BJP’s Vishvaguru narrative and its perception of India as an indispensable ally have been tested. But the perception persists without any solid basis. The U.S. actions against the Adani Group and criticisms of India’s democracy have dented the BJP’s projection of India as a universally respected global leader. These incidents highlight the gap between India’s aspirations and the realities of international scrutiny, particularly from a partner like the U.S. The BJP’s accusations of a U.S. “deep state” agenda reflect a sense of betrayal, suggesting that the party overestimated the unconditional nature of U.S. support.
Conclusion
The U.S. has not executed a sudden pivot away from India but has introduced tensions that challenge the BJP’s Vishvaguru narrative and its perception of India as an indispensable ally. BJP’s delusions have received a reality check of sorts by the recent events, like U.S. legal actions against the Adani Group and criticisms of India’s democracy and stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is, however, unlikely that these tensions disabused the BJP of its Vishvaguru ambitions. This is because of Washington’s continued investment in India’s role, as seen in defence cooperation and the Quad. The BJP’s Vishvaguru vision persists, tempered but not disabused, as India balances its global ambitions with pragmatic multi-alignment.
Vishvaguru, BJP, Tariffs, USA, BRICS, Russia, China, deep state, Indo-Pacific, SCO, South China Sea, Dr. Manmohan Singh, Biden, Trump, Quad, Aero India 2025, General Kevin Schneider, COMCASA, Adani, Mangalyaan, Chandrayaan, GDP, Asim Munir, Pakistan,
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