In 2020, a case was filed in the United States against CISCO for caste discrimination. It made international headlines but was largely ignored by Indian media. That same year, the brutal gangrape and murder of a Dalit girl in Hathras saw the media initially trying to cover it up. In another case, a senior Dalit police officer in Haryana was driven to suicide after mistreatment by his upper-caste superiors, yet the incident received little attention. Across India, countless atrocities against Dalits, Muslims, and women take place, but they rarely spark serious discussion in the mainstream media.
Remember NDTV’s Big Fight Show in early 2000s? Despite its name, the host Vikram Chandra ensured that the debate maintained decorum and substance. Although, other news channels too adapted this template, things began to deteriorate when jingoism and political propaganda overwhelmed all journalistic sanity. Republic TV, Times Now, India Today etc hosted shouting matches where decorum and ethics had no place at all. The idea is to distract public attention from real issues facing them.
Interestingly, Aroon Purie, the founder and editor-in-chief of the India Today Group, recently stated that "99% of news channels lose money" and are often treated by industrial houses and billionaires as tools for influence. What else did Purie expect, when India Today itself is guilty of the same?
Senior editors provide lame excuses like political pressures, takeover by corporate bosses, and technological disruptions. But should these be the reasons for the prevalence of sycophantic tendencies, unethical practices, and shameless compromises? Did they ever factor in the consequences like erosion of media’s credibility and public trust? India's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has plummeted to 151 out of 180 countries in 2025. Since 2014, toxic interplay of internal and external pressures, violence against journalists, concentrated ownership, and political alignment have contributed to this dangerous state of affairs. But if there was collective resistance, things could have been different. If they crawled during the Emergency, they are licking the boots, and much else, of the powers that be today.
The once vibrant Fourth Estate has been reduced to a murky, repulsive private property. A pristine edifice of free speech and democracy is showing all the signs of a seedy house of sin owned and run by powerful moneybags who have no stakes in the future of democracy in India.
Loss of Credibility: The Foundational Erosion
According to the Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2024, trust in news credibility in India dropped by nine points. This erosion stems from a shift away from objective reporting toward sensationalism, bias, and misinformation. A Lokniti-CSDS report titled 'Media in India: Trends and Patterns' found that 82% of media organisations blindly support the BJP out of fear of business repercussions. This figure rises to 89% when we include independent journalists' opinions. Such partisanship has transformed media from a watchdog to a lapdog. The Policy Circle states that lack of editorial oversight and Indian media's resort to partisanship and spectacle has resulted in the deepening crisis of credibility.
We know how, during the 2025 India-Pakistan tensions, Indian TV channels amplified unverified claims of airstrikes and terror camps, using fake videos. This made a mockery of journalism. The New York Times highlighted how outlets suppress damaging news to the government's reputation, amplifying falsehoods during crises like border conflicts. This credibility loss is not isolated; it feeds into other factors, creating a vicious cycle. Moreover, trolling, fake news, and curbs on free speech by vested interests have alienated audiences.
Political Pressures Since 2014: The Shadow of Authoritarianism
The BJP’s rise in 2014 ushered in an era of intensified political pressures that have choked media’s independence. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) describes this as an "unofficial state of emergency," with the media bosses aligning with BJP to control narratives. One corporate house, aligned to BJP, controls over 70 outlets reaching 800 million people. Another BJP billionaire’s 2022 acquisition of NDTV ended one of the last bastions of pluralism.
Colonial-era laws on sedition and defamation, alongside new legislation like the 2023 Telecommunications Act and the draft Broadcasting Services Bill, empower the government to censor content and control digital platforms. A Carnegie Endowment study notes how these tools repress social media moderation in India. Examples include the raids on BBC offices in 2023 after a documentary critical of the PM, and the 600-day incarceration of Kashmiri journalist Fahad Shah under anti-terror laws. Sedition cases shot up by 30% since 2014, as per a Berkley Center report. This political stranglehold intersects with financial woes, as government ads—worth billions—reward compliant outlets, as per RSF. In 2023, the Editors Guild of India faced charges of promoting enmity over a Manipur report, highlighting how even editorial bodies are targeted for critical work.
The Pivotal Role of Media Owners and Editors: Architects of Compromise
Media owners have turned their news outlets into extensions of their economic empires. The Media Ownership Monitor by RSF reveals that India's media is dominated by business families and investors. The ownership structures include joint stock companies, societies, and trusts that obscure true control. Two biggest corporate empires have acquired vast media portfolios, influencing content to align with their political and commercial agendas. For instance, corporate acquisition of the Network18 led to abrupt resignation of independent editors who resisted pro-government slants. This was documented in a Caravan magazine piece on the "slow disappearance of independent editors." Owners handpick pliant journalists, suppressing fearless reporting to avoid offending powerful allies. The migration of anchors from India Today to NDTV is a case in point.
After the takeover of NDTV in 2022, the channel was transformed from a critical voice to one more aligned with BJP narratives. The Stimson Centre's report on media bias highlights how government advertisements serve as a "financial lever" for influencing content. The owners direct editors to prioritise stories that secure ad revenue from state coffers. During the COVID-19 pandemic, editors at major Hindi channels downplayed government mishandling. They amplified misinformation about vaccines to align with official narratives.
The Rise of Internet-Based News Media: Disruption and Fragmentation
The proliferation of digital media has disrupted traditional channels, accelerating their decline. According to a 2024 Reuters report, over 70% of Indians rely on online sources for news, with 49% using social media. This shift has eroded traditional TV and print revenues, forcing closures or mergers. A study in the International Journal of Library and Information Practice notes a 20.81% cumulative increase in online news consumers from 2019 to 2022.
Traditional outlets lose audiences to agile, cost-effective digital alternatives, which democratises journalism. Citizen journalists via blogs and OTT platforms have bypassed state monopolies and corporate owned entities. But they are unregulated, resulting in proliferation of fake news. Influencers conduct flattering interviews, with no accountability. For example, The Caravan reports on the Indian PM’s use of them to bolster his image. Online disinformation deteriorates discourse. Fragmentation worsens credibility, as traditional media resorts to sensationalism and succumbs to political pressures.
Sycophancy: The Culture of Flattery and Submission
Sycophancy permeates Indian media, particularly post-2014. Termed "Godi media", news outlets promote pro-BJP propaganda. According to the RSF, Hindi channels dedicate airtime to religious nationalism and anti-Muslim rhetoric. Examples include anchors hailing the PM as "King of Gods”. Thanks to competitive sycophancy among politicians, bureaucrats and corporate honchos a toxic environment has asphyxiated ethical journalism in the mainstream media. Of course, there are historical precedents from Indira Gandhi's era slogan "India is Indira”. However, today it has been institutionalised in a big way, eroding critical discourse. There is a distinct shift in the mainstream media towards "narrative-shaping" journalism.
Unprofessional and Unethical Practices: Breaches That Betray Trust
Unethical practices, from paid news to media trials, compound the crisis. A Taylor & Francis study on media trials analyses ethical issues in cases like Siddiqui Kappan, where outlets prejudge guilt, compromising justice. The Tehelka sting "Operation West End" (2001) defended using prostitutes as ethical lapses for exposing corruption, but set precedents for sensationalism. The 2010 Radia Tapes scandal revealed top journalists crossing lines by lobbying for corporations.
The occurrence of unethical reporting on sexual violence has become commonplace. Such reporting prioritises sensationalism over truth. Government agencies can brazenly promote media trials. We witnessed that in the cases of Sushant Rajput, Aaryan Khan, and many others. Such acts raise human rights, privacy and fairness concerns. Such yellow journalism sacrifices truth for ratings, intersects with external factors like political coercion, as seen in Gujarat riots coverage fuelling communalism.
Conclusion: A Synergistic Downfall and Paths Forward
The Indian media's sorry state is a confluence of several factors. Political pressures since 2014 have concentrated ownership and enforced censorship; the roles of owners and editors have designed compromise through corporate and political entanglements; digital rise has fragmented audiences and amplified misinformation; sycophancy and unethical practices reflect internal rot; all culminating in lost credibility. Reform requires regulatory independence, ethical training, and diversified ownership. Without it, democracy suffers, as informed citizenship fades. Yet, outliers like Khabar Lahariya, The Wire, Article 14, Scroll.in, The Caravan, Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), Newslaundry, and regional stalwarts such as Malayala Manorama and Eenadu offer hope, proving resilient journalism can endure. The path to revival demands confronting this multifaceted crisis head-on.
Godi Media, NDTV, Republic TV, Aaj Tak, India Today, Reliance, Adani, Ambani, Times Now, Newslaundry, Article 14, The Wire, The Caravan, Economic and Political Weekly, Al Jazeera, The Print, Sctoll.in, Malayala Manorama, Eenadu, yellow journalism, Sushant Rajput, Aaryan Khan, Siddique Kappan, CNN18, BJP, Indira Gandhi, Emergency, Lokniti-CSDS, Reuters, RSF, Reporters Without Borders, Arnab Goswami, News-X
No comments:
Post a Comment