Modi cleverly presented himself as the leader
who is irreplaceable. He strengthened the TINA factor by cashing in on the
surgical and Balakot air strikes. He repeatedly painted the UPA regimes as
feckless and cowardly, without being convincingly challenged by Rahul. Modi’s
perceived muscularity and ability to deliver on promised welfare schemes backed
with ‘Modi hai toh mumkin hai’ slogans proved too much for his rivals to
handle.
The
results, unexpected and feared by some and predictable for most, are out. PM
Narendra Damodardas Modi-led NDA retains the mandate to govern the Republic of India—earned
in 2014 first—for another five years. The fact that it has improved its tally
is no mean achievement, considering that anti-incumbency has been the norm in
our electoral scene for quite a while now. What could the reasons be? Several,
one would say.
The
Congress gravely misread the mandates in the three state assembly elections it
had won earlier in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh as endorsement of
Rahul Gandhi’s leadership. This prompted the party to assume the tide turning
in its favour in the Hindi heartland, which has now proved to be false.
Secondly, replacing the youthful leaders who were supported by the youth and party
cadres in their respective states, viz., Jyotiraditya Scindia of Madhya Pradesh
and Sachin Pilot of Rajasthan, with the not-so-popular Old Guard Kamal Nath and
Ashok Gehlot respectively was like pressing the self-destruct button. The
states’ youth turned their backs on the INC in the 2019 General Elections with
a vengeance.
If
Captain Amarinder Singh did far better in Punjab, it is certainly not because
of Rahul Gandhi—whose preference for Navjot Sidhu seemed manifest—but because
the Captain shone brightly in contrast to the preceding Badal-led NDA regime.
The
Congress misread the mood of the people.
Over
the last five years, Congress spokespersons had been claiming that Modi had
nothing original to offer and was renaming their policies and programmes and
appropriating them. Such claims have not cut much ice with the voters. The
reason is clear. The common people, especially the poor, are not interested in
the progenitors of a welfare scheme, nor are they interested in the ideological
colour of the provider. For them, it is vital that the promised benefit is
either reaching them or there is tangible proof of the honest efforts in this
direction, which apparently has been the case—be it the delivery of gas
cylinders, DBT, housing and other such schemes throughout the country.
Consequently, the voters have clearly ignored the discomforts caused by
demonetisation, which was definitely Tughlaqian in character, and GST that has
irked the business community.
Modi
cleverly presented himself as the leader who is irreplaceable. He strengthened
the TINA factor by cashing in on the surgical and Balakot air strikes. He
repeatedly painted the UPA regimes as feckless and cowardly, without being
convincingly challenged by Rahul. Modi’s perceived muscularity and ability to
deliver on promised welfare schemes backed with ‘Modi hai toh mumkin hai’
slogans proved too much for his rivals to handle.
On
the other hand, the Congress campaign management lacked thought, direction and
vision. Essentially, it ignored the culture, vision and principles which formed
the very lifeline of the Indian National Congress. Rahul Gandhi’s ill-advised
soft-Hindutva line went against the very grain of the party. All it had to do
was rectify its pro-minorities slant (which was more rhetoric than substance in
practice and nothing but a cynical vote-harvesting device). After all, BJP has
a substantial number of Muslim leaders in its ranks, too. But these leaders
have been supportive of the party’s progressive and reformist policies
vis-à-vis minorities, viz., the Triple Talaq issue and women’s right to perform
namaz in mosques. On the other hand, the Congress has been repeatedly
succumbing to, if not actively promoting, regressive Muslim leaders who played
the role of vote-contractors for the Congress and other so-called secular
parties.
The
Chowkidar Chor campaign has boomeranged badly on the party. The allegations
against PM Modi and Anil Ambani in the Rafale case did not get much traction
among the people. In fact, the issue remained confined to the noisy TV debates.
Similarly, the resurfacing of Aiyar’s 2014 invective against Modi did no good
to the Congress Party’s chances at the hustings. Its only catchy scheme, the NYAY,
came into play too late with too little to offer; the message simply did not
reach the potential beneficiaries.
One
really wonders why the Congress did not present a credible alternative vision
of reforms in the fields of education, infrastructure, health, general welfare,
governance and economy. Why did it walk into the trap of Rahul versus Modi duel
of rhetoric and invective?
It
is time for the Grand Old Party to get rid of the legion of albatrosses hanging
around its aging neck. All those leaders who have been tainted with scandals of
all sorts, and not just corruption, must be shown the door. All those who
cannot perform any role other than that of kitchen cabinet lackeys must be
sacked. Get rid of the coterie system. It is time to restructure the party on
modern lines which would be more in tandem with the requirements of the 21st
Century Indian Democracy where tolerance, pluralism and progressive culture are
vital for the nation’s prosperity. Let young, well-educated and genuine leaders
rise from among the party’s cadre, which is possible if the current feudal mai-baap
culture is replaced with a hard-nosed professional and performance-oriented
political values. Let young men and women of vision take over from the doddering,
regressive and rent-seeking Old Guard.
Will
the powers that be ever listen?
In my May, 2017 blogpost, “Fifteen Years for
Prime Minister Modi” (https://randeep-wadehra.blogspot.com/2017/05/fifteen-years-for-prime-minister-modi.html)
I had observed, “Economic reforms have been set in motion, as epitomised by the
implementation of GST. Surface transport infrastructure is being upgraded at a
never before pace. FDIs are flowing in. New industrial projects are on the
anvil. Power generation capacities are being enhanced. There are also reports
of providing quality medicare and education for all. But these are long
gestation projects. We will have to be patient for the results – which will
show up provided the government takes on the challenges that remain on several
fronts. Unemployment is rising. Agricultural growth is disheartening. If these
are not serious enough, the nation is witnessing the rise of a new class that
feels entitled to play with the country’s law and order. Unprovoked and
uncontrolled violence against defenceless citizens can be dangerous to the
country’s stability. It can also hurt our international profile as an
attractive destination for investment. The last thing we want is the rule of
mobs.”
This
remains valid even today.
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