Introduction
The caste system, a deeply entrenched social structure in India, has shaped the country’s social, economic, and political landscape for centuries. A caste census, which involves the systematic enumeration of caste identities alongside demographic data, is a tool to understand various caste groups' distribution and socio-economic conditions. While the demand for a caste census has been a recurring theme in Indian politics, its inclusion in the national census has been contentious. Recently, the Modi government’s decision to approve a caste census in the upcoming decadal census, following persistent advocacy by opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi, has reignited debates about its implications. This essay explores the history of the caste census in India, the origins of the demand for it, and the political motivations behind the Modi government’s recent acceptance of this demand.
1. History of the Caste Census in India
Early Beginnings Under Colonial Rule
The practice of enumerating castes in India began during British colonial rule. The first systematic caste census was conducted in 1881 as part of the decennial Census of India, initiated in 1871–72. The British administration used these censuses to categorise the population by caste, religion, and occupation, aiming to understand and govern the diverse Indian society more effectively. By 1901, the census identified 1,646 distinct castes, which grew to 4,147 by 1931, reflecting the complexity of India’s social fabric. The 1931 census remains the last comprehensive caste-based census, providing detailed data that later informed policies like the Mandal Commission’s recommendations. However, the 1941 census collected caste data but did not publish it, citing logistical constraints during World War II.
Post-Independence Shift
After India gained independence in 1947, under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, the government decided to discontinue caste enumeration in the national census, except for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). This decision, implemented from the 1951 census onward, was rooted in the Nehruvian vision of a casteless society, aiming to avoid reinforcing social divisions. The government believed that focusing on caste could perpetuate discrimination and hinder national unity. Instead, states were allowed to compile their own lists of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) from 1961, leading to fragmented and inconsistent data.
The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011
The demand for caste data resurfaced prominently during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government’s tenure. In 2010, pressure from regional parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Samajwadi Party (SP), and Janata Dal (United) led to the announcement of the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) alongside the 2011 census. Conducted at a cost of nearly ₹4,900 crore, the SECC was the first attempt since 1931 to collect caste data nationwide. However, it was not conducted under the Census Act of 1948, making data disclosure voluntary and leading to significant errors—81,958,314 errors in caste particulars, with 14,577,195 still unrectified by 2015. The caste data was handed over to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, but it remains unpublished due to concerns over accuracy and potential social polarisation.
State-Level Initiatives
In the absence of national caste data, states like Bihar, Karnataka, and Telangana conducted their own caste surveys. Bihar’s 2023 caste survey, a landmark initiative, revealed that OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) constituted over 63% of the state’s population, prompting demands for a nationwide census. These state-level efforts highlighted the need for accurate caste data to inform affirmative action and welfare policies.
2. Origins of the Demand for a Caste Census
Early Demands and the Mandal Commission
The demand for a caste census has historically come from marginalised communities, particularly OBCs, who sought accurate data to justify affirmative action policies. The Mandal Commission, established in 1979 and reporting in 1980, estimated the OBC population at 52% based on the 1931 census data. Its recommendation for 27% reservation for OBCs in government jobs and education brought caste data into sharp political focus. However, the lack of updated caste figures made implementation contentious, fueling demands for a new census.
Political Parties and Social Justice
The first significant political demand for a caste census in post-independence India emerged in the late 1990s. In 1998, the United Front government prepared a cabinet note to include caste in the 2001 census, but the proposal was rejected by the subsequent Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, with Home Minister L.K. Advani citing potential social divisions. The issue gained traction again in 2010, when UPA-II Law Minister Veerappa Moily urged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to include caste in the 2011 census, leading to the SECC. Regional leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and M. Karunanidhi were vocal advocates, arguing that caste data was essential for equitable resource allocation and representation.
Rahul Gandhi’s Advocacy
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has been a prominent voice for a caste census since the Bharat Jodo Yatra (2022–2023). He has consistently argued that a caste census is necessary to ensure proportionate representation and rights for marginalised communities, encapsulated in the slogan “Jitni abadi, utna haq” (rights proportional to population share). Gandhi has highlighted the underrepresentation of OBCs, SCs, and STs in government positions, noting that only 7% of secretaries in the Government of India come from these groups. He has also pledged to lift the 50% cap on reservations and extend quotas to private educational institutions, framing the caste census as a tool for systemic reform.
Rationale for the Demand
The demand for a caste census is driven by several factors:
Policy Formulation: Accurate caste data is crucial for designing targeted welfare schemes and affirmative action policies. Without it, governments rely on outdated or incomplete estimates, leading to inequitable resource distribution.
Legal Imperative: The Supreme Court has repeatedly emphasised the need for caste-wise data to uphold reservation policies, as seen in cases challenging OBC reservations in local body elections.
Social Justice: A caste census can reveal socio-economic disparities, enabling policies to uplift marginalised communities. It aligns with constitutional mandates for equality and social justice.
Political Strategy: For opposition parties, particularly the Congress-led INDIA bloc, the caste census is a counter to the BJP’s Hindutva narrative, consolidating OBC and Dalit voters under the banner of social justice.
3. Modi Government’s Acceptance of the Caste Census Demand
The Decision and Its Timing
On April 30, 2025, the Modi government announced that the upcoming national census would include caste enumeration, reversing its earlier stance articulated in 2021 by Minister of State for Home Affairs Nityanand Rai, who stated that the government would not enumerate castes other than SCs and STs. The decision, approved by the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, comes ahead of the Bihar assembly elections in October–November 2025 and follows the BJP’s electoral setbacks in Uttar Pradesh in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where it won only 33 of 80 seats.
Political Motivations
The Modi government’s acceptance of the caste census demand is driven by a mix of political compulsions and strategic calculations:
Countering Opposition Narrative: The opposition, particularly Rahul Gandhi and the INDIA bloc, made the caste census a central issue in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, positioning it as a tool for social justice. The BJP, initially critical of the demand, faced pressure from allies like Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) and regional parties like the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Lok Janshakti Party, who support the census. By approving it, the BJP aims to neutralise the opposition’s electoral plank and claim credit for a historic decision.
Consolidating OBC Support: The BJP has historically relied on a broad Hindu voter base, including OBCs, to counter caste-based politics. However, its Hindutva agenda, which seeks to blur caste lines, has faced challenges from rising caste consciousness, particularly in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where OBCs constitute over 50% of voters. The caste census allows the BJP to appeal to OBCs by addressing their demands for representation, especially after the 2024 electoral losses in Uttar Pradesh.
Bihar’s Electoral Context: Bihar, where the 2023 caste survey set a precedent, is a politically significant state. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, a BJP ally, has championed the caste census, and its national approval strengthens his position ahead of the state elections. The BJP’s local unit also supported the Bihar survey, reflecting regional political dynamics.
RSS Endorsement: In September 2024, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP’s ideological parent, endorsed a caste census for welfare purposes, provided it is not used for electoral gains. This shift from its earlier opposition provided ideological cover for the BJP’s decision.
Preempting Legal Challenges: The judiciary’s insistence on caste-wise data for reservation policies, coupled with state-level surveys, has created pressure for a national census. The Modi government’s move aligns with legal and administrative imperatives to avoid court interventions.
Political Implications
The caste census has far-reaching implications:
Affirmative Action: The data could lead to demands for revising the 50% reservation cap, sub-categorising OBC quotas, and extending reservations to private institutions, as advocated by Rahul Gandhi.
Electoral Politics: The census may reshape political constituencies and influence delimitation exercises, especially with women’s reservation in legislatures tied to census data. It could also intensify caste-based mobilisation, challenging the BJP’s unified Hindu identity narrative.
Social Dynamics: While proponents argue that a caste census will address inequalities, critics fear it may harden caste identities and fuel social divisions. The government has emphasised a “transparent” process to mitigate these concerns.
Why Now?
The Modi government’s decision reflects a pragmatic response to political realities. The opposition’s sustained campaign, led by Rahul Gandhi, has made the caste census a potent issue, especially among OBC and Dalit voters. The BJP’s electoral setbacks, combined with pressure from allies and the RSS’s softened stance, have necessitated a course correction. By approving the census, the BJP aims to reclaim the social justice narrative, strengthen its coalition in Bihar, and preempt opposition criticism ahead of key elections. However, the lack of a clear timeline raises questions about implementation, with opposition leaders demanding concrete dates.
Conclusion
The caste census in India is a complex issue with deep historical roots and significant political ramifications. From its origins in colonial censuses to its discontinuation post-independence, the enumeration of caste has been fraught with debates over social justice and division. The demand for a caste census, initially driven by regional leaders and later championed by Rahul Gandhi, reflects the need for data to address systemic inequalities. The Modi government’s recent approval, announced on April 30, 2025, is a strategic move to counter opposition narratives, consolidate OBC support, and navigate electoral challenges in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. While the census promises to reshape affirmative action and political representation, its success depends on transparent implementation and careful management of social repercussions. As India grapples with its caste question, the caste census remains a critical step toward a more equitable and inclusive society, provided it is used to uplift rather than divide.
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