Since May 2023, a protracted ethnic conflict has gripped Manipur between the Meitei majority and the Kuki-Zo tribal communities. The crisis has claimed hundreds of lives, displaced thousands of people. Thousands of homes and religious structures, mostly churches, have been destroyed. Yet, we do not hear much about what’s happening there. Of course, we know that the BJP has not yet reached a consensus on a new chief minister, leading to ongoing political instability. Occasionally small news items trickle down to indicate how things are still hopeless there. So hopeless that President’s rule was imposed on February 13, 2025.
Origins of the Crisis
Manipur has a long history of ethnic conflict. In 1992, Naga-Kuki clashes forced over 1 lakh people to leave their homes. The present crisis continues the divide between the hill and valley areas. The Meiteis control the richer Imphal Valley, while tribal communities in the hills feel left out and neglected.
Many state policies are seen as favouring the Meiteis. These include the "war on drugs," eviction drives, and checks for "illegal immigrants." The Kuki-Zo community believes these actions unfairly target them. Other rules, like the Inner Line Permit and Free Movement Regime, are also seen as unjust to hill communities.
The Meiteis make up 53% of Manipur’s population. They are mostly Hindu and concentrated in the Imphal valley. This valley covers only 10% of the state’s land but is the centre of politics and the economy. The Kuki-Zo and Naga communities live in the hill districts. These hilly areas make up 90% of the state but are less developed. They are mostly Christians and have the ST status. They are worried that giving ST status to the Meiteis would harm their rights to land, jobs, and education. Their fears were triggered by several developments. Meiteis are not allowed to buy land in the hill areas, which are protected for tribal groups. In 2012, the Meiteis started demanding ST status so they could get benefits like land rights and job reservations. The Kuki-Zo and Naga communities saw this as a threat to their land, jobs, and opportunities. In April 2023, the Manipur High Court suggested that the Meitei community should also be given the Scheduled Tribe status. This made ethnic tensions worse.
On May 3, 2023, the All Tribal Student Union of Manipur held a Tribal Solidarity March in the hill areas. This was a protest against the Manipur High Court’s suggestion in April 2023 that the Meitei community should be given Scheduled Tribe or ST status. The protest became violent. Later, the Supreme Court criticised the High Court's order because of problems in the legal process.
Foreign Involvement & Domestic Issues
Manipur shares border with Myanmar. Many refugees from the Chin tribe—who are related to the Kuki-Zo—have crossed the border. The government says over 8,000 refugees have entered Manipur. Most of them are from the Chin tribe, who are related to the Kuki-Zo. Meitei activists say the Indian government has failed to stop these refugees. Drug networks have also taken advantage of this situation. This has made the Meiteis worried about changes in demographics.
The Manipur state government and some Meitei groups often blame Myanmar and even suggest that China may be helping the Kuki-Zo community. They claim that this community is linked to drug trafficking and armed groups from across the border. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has said that militants from Myanmar and Bangladesh are involved in the Manipur violence. Since 2023, over 6,000 guns have been looted from police stations. These weapons may have helped militant groups grow stronger. The Kuki-Zo groups deny all links to militants. They say these foreign link claims are just excuses to treat them unfairly.
However, most of the conflict in Manipur is caused by issues inside the state. The state government is accused of being biased in favour the Meiteis. Kuki-Zo leaders and rights groups say the government is wrongly calling them “illegal immigrants,” “poppy farmers,” and “terrorists.” Government offices, police, and even the media are seen as taking sides. Radical Meitei groups like Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun have attacked Kuki-Zo people. In response, Kuki-Zo militant groups have also used violence. So, although foreign interference is a fact, the primary reasons for the crisis are local rivalry and unfair politics.
Steps Taken to Resolve the Crisis
The Indian government has tried many things to stop the violence, but they have not worked well. Police, paramilitary forces, and the army have been sent, supported by drones and helicopters. These forces work under a single command. The state has also used curfews and internet shutdowns to stop unrest and fake news. One internet ban lasted until November 2024.
After the Home Minister’s visit to Manipur, a 51-member peace committee and a 3-member inquiry team were formed. In February 2025, the Chief Minister resigned after complaints of bias. The Centre then imposed President’s Rule for fairer governance. Despite these efforts, violence has not stopped. Both Meiteis and Kuki-Zo refused to join the peace committee. They said they don’t trust the government. A key example is the attack on two Kuki women in May 2023. The attackers were only arrested after the video went viral. Relief work has been poor. Many families are stuck in camps without clean water, toilets, or medical help. Most help comes from churches and NGOs. People feel abandoned and angry.
The Centre has acted slowly. It took too long to replace the Chief Minister. Even after President’s Rule, things have not improved much. Border fences and stopping the Free Movement Regime have upset the Kuki-Zo and Naga people. Worse, militant groups have returned. All attempts to seize the looted weapons from them have failed. This has made peace talks harder.
Pathways to Resolve the Crisis
To bring peace, a well thought out and credible plan is needed. It must include honest talks, fair rule, and help for all communities. A new peace committee should be formed with equal representation from the Meitei, Kuki-Zo, and Naga communities, guided by neutral mediators such as retired judges or respected civil society leaders. Women must be given a central role in this process, ensuring their voices are heard. A truth and reconciliation panel should openly address past injustices and human rights violations to rebuild trust. Community-driven cultural and development projects can help bridge the deep divide between hill and valley populations. Disarmament of militant groups should be pursued through a clear, time-bound amnesty program. At the same time, the state police must be restructured to reflect the region’s ethnic diversity and to operate with fairness and accountability. Central security forces must adhere to strict rules of engagement. Anti-insurgency operations should be carried out without targeting specific communities.
To ensure fair governance and accountability during President’s Rule, a neutral administrator should be appointed and closely monitored by a special oversight committee. An independent ombudsman must be in place to handle public complaints transparently. Strengthening local village and town bodies is also essential to reduce the power imbalance between the hill and valley regions.
Humanitarian aid must ensure relief camps have adequate food, clean water, sanitation, and healthcare. International aid agencies should be allowed to assist under strict oversight. Hill regions need urgent investment in roads, jobs, and basic services. Joint economic projects involving both communities can promote cooperation. Victims who lost homes or livelihoods must receive financial support and rehabilitation.
Addressing External Factors
The government must engage with Myanmar to manage refugee inflows in a humane and secure manner. Any decisions on border fencing or travel restrictions should involve consultations with local communities. Independent investigations are essential to verify claims of foreign involvement and prevent scapegoating of specific groups.
Manipur is in a sensitive region that affects India’s national security. The crisis there is serious because of its border with Myanmar. That border is not well-guarded. Conflicts in Myanmar are spreading into Manipur. The Kuki-Zo share family and cultural ties with Myanmar’s Chin tribe. This has brought in more refugees and possibly armed groups. This has raised fears of guns and drugs coming in from across the border.
The looting of weapons and the return of insurgents have raised the demand for a separate Kuki-Zo area. If the conflict spreads, it may affect other states like Nagaland and Mizoram. This would distract India from bigger issues like the China border.
Conclusion
The Manipur conflict is now in its third year. It continues because of strong ethnic divisions and weak leadership. Although Myanmar’s problems add pressure, the main causes are mistrust, unfair policies, and old grievances. Government steps like sending forces and President’s Rule have not healed the divide. A long-term solution must include fair talks, disarmament, just governance, and help for affected people. India must learn from past peace efforts like the Mizoram Accord and show strong political will. Only then can we bring lasting peace to Manipur.
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